Amid the excitement of a new decade, the unresolved issues of 2009 and other years past are becoming more irksome and in need of solutions.

The Road to Recovery … or Not

The entire country watched in June 2008 as flood waters savaged downtown Cedar Rapids. The videos and pictures of the Cedar River overtaking downtown structures, destroying businesses and displacing residents were simultaneously heartbreaking and striking. Yet for every headline garnered by Cedar Rapids, another smaller Iowa town was left to cope with its own slow and tedious recovery without the benefit of national news crews.

Veterans Memorial Coliseum is shown drenched by flood waters on June 11, 2008. (file photo: Lynda Waddington/The Iowa Independent)

State officials have argued that all that could be done was done. They tout Iowa’s swift recovery, comparing the progress here to natural disaster recovery in other parts of the country. Yet even now families remain displaced, businesses are shuttered and Iowans, long known as America’s most politically intense residents, are becoming more and more disenchanted with government as a whole.

The few times that national cameras panned away from downtown Cedar Rapids, national viewers glimpsed thousands of working family homes drenched to their rooftops. Urban viewers were enchanted by footage of cows, herded onto a Vinton resident’s deck for protection from flood waters. Large portions of the residential area in the small town of Creston were damaged as a result of basement and ground-level flooding. No one can forget the images of a leveled Parkersburg following a May 2008 tornado. Many of the aftermath stories remain on public display at the state’s I-JOBS page, and much remains unfunded.

But once it is understood that the working class — farmers, nurses, shift workers, teachers and others — bore the brunt of Iowa’s disasters, it is much more easy to understand the state’s following economic downturn. Working class Iowans pay a disproportionate share of their income in state and local taxes, according to research by the Iowa Fiscal Partnership. This means that the very economic foundation of the state has been rattled by tornadoes, pounded by flood waters and then mostly left with empty platitudes of progress to bolster its continued support.

Those set aside in favor of corporate bailouts and unable to surf the tides of promised change remain disillusioned, confused and, at times, angry. Their way of life has not only been threatened, but, in many instances, decimated. Their long-held beliefs in the value of hard work, helping neighbors and self-reliance have been shaken and, for some, shattered. They no longer relate to a government that appears uncaring, and they no longer believe in political parties that provide soundbites that would be offensive if they weren’t so tired and humorous.

Iowa politics in 2010, despite being the vehicle by which reform and recovery could happen, have been regulated by those outside of Des Moines’ affluent circles to an oddity or, worse yet, a distasteful fairgrounds freak show. For when economic reality becomes too horrible, it is sometimes easier to grasp the nearest unfathomable boogyman than to confront the true monster on your doorstep.

It is in front of this backdrop of dismay and disconnect that Iowa politics will play in 2010, and it will factor into every facet of the state.

The Right to Love and Marry

Several participants in April's Tea Party protest at the state capitol advocated for legislators to allow a vote on same-sex marriage (file photo).

In April, same-sex marriage was legalized in Iowa. As some state politicians rallied against the Iowa Supreme Court decision and others praised it, most Iowans quietly pointed to increased farm supply costs and skyrocketing health care payments.

But groups have galvanized on both sides of the issue and are preparing to continue the battles begun last year at the statehouse.

Same-sex marriage, depending on which group’s advisories you read, is either proof of society’s inevitable enlightenment or the complete downfall of all held dear. And while there are distinct minorities of Iowans on both sides of the issue who are ready to do whatever it takes to ensure that such marriages are the keystone of all action within the 2010 state legislature, many more residents are afraid that the battle over certain couples’ right to marry will overshadow the business that must take place if the state as a whole is to stand on firmer economic ground come summer.

But once your home has been washed away by flood waters, or blown apart by tornadoes, it is difficult to surmount a fight against another struggling family, traditional or non-traditional. By that same token, difficulties paying for needed prescriptions and sleepless nights worried about mortgage payments aren’t often precursors to a rising up against any perceived discrimination. It is hard to fight for anyone else, hard to stand on even preached moral principals, when the very ground beneath one’s feet remains the consistency of sand.

As a result, those who stand to lose the most by having the legislature dominated by political grandstanding on same-sex marriage could be the people who stay home, shaking their heads at a spectacle created and honed in 2010 election madness. Those who stand to gain the most — specifically, those who are paying more attention to November ballots than first quarter earnings statements — will be those who rejoice and revel in the folly.

Renewed Faith in Antitrust

Producing the nation’s food supply has always been a precarious occupation. Natural disasters, weather fluctuations and simple bad luck have historically plagued Iowa’s crop and livestock producers. It is part of the territory, and farmers have come to understand the roller coaster ride that often determines if their seasons will be profitable.

The past few years, however, a new unknown has emerged that many producers view as more threatening than those they’ve previously faced: Market concentration. Within each of the nation’s agricultural industries a few, large corporations have emerged that dominate the sector and, some producers have argued, use collusive and exclusionary tactics to drive independent and smaller operations out of business. The large corporations, on the other hand, argue that their market dominance and sheer size allow them to develop innovative techniques for smaller producers as well as lobby all farm interests before Congress.

While U.S. Supreme Court rulings and national policy have played a significant role in the changing landscape of America’s and Iowa’s agricultural sector, most producers believe the largest culprit to the woes they’re facing is lax government oversight of existing antitrust laws. And, in a move unprecedented in American history, federal agencies appear to be, if not actually siding with producers, at least willing to listen.

Throughout 2010, the U.S. departments of Justice and Agriculture will hold a series of workshops for discussions on possible anti-competitiveness in several key sectors — seed, poultry, dairy and other livestock. The first, which will focus on the seed industry, will take place in Ankeny this March. The workshops mark a significant change from “hands off” life under the George W. Bush administration, when the the U.S. Department of Justice oversaw and approved mergers between Smithfield Foods and Premium Standard Farms (2007) to create the country’s largest hog processor, between Dean Foods Co. and Suiza Foods Corp. (2002) to create the largest milk processor and between JBS and Smithfield Beef (2008) to make one of the nation’s largest cattle feeders.

The U.S. Justice Department, which appears to be making good on then-U.S. Sen. Barack Obama’s pledge for more scrutiny of American agriculture, has brought in Christine Varney, a woman who built a trust-busting reputation within the Clinton administration, to lead its antitrust division. This Justice Department, unlike all of its predecessors, isn’t sitting back and waiting on an anti-trust complaint. It is willfully and meticulously investigating possibilities before formal complaints arrive.

Exactly what this means to Iowa, which maintains critical economic interest in agriculture, remains unclear. Although Iowa has fared better than other states in supporting and maintaining family farms, and has recently found the benefit of promoting smaller organic operations, the state also has strong ties to the large corporations that have now fallen under scrutiny.

Immigrating to Jobs, Congress

Census figures estimate that roughly 450,000 people over the age of 65 live in Iowa, comprising about 15 percent of the state’s total population. By the year 2030, the percentage is expected to blossom to 22.5 percent of the state’s population, or more than 650,000 Iowans over the age of 65.

It is widely known that due to Iowa’s out-migration of younger (and often brighter) residents, as well as its traditionally slow birth and immigration rate, the state is poised to lose a U.S. congressional district following the 2010 census.

What is less discussed, however, is the fact that Iowa’s rural counties are aging more rapidly than urban areas. As of the 2000 census, individuals age 65 and over comprised 20 percent or more of the population in 30 of the state’s 99 counties. Not only are all the impacted counties from 2000 rural, but the U.S. Census Bureau believes that trend will encompass 88 of the state’s counties by 2030, affecting the most rural first. At that time Iowa is expected to be the 12th oldest state in the union.

The direct and indirect impacts to the state, the tax base, local workforces and wider rural geographic health are far too complex for adequate recount in this short discussion of interest areas for 2010 and the next decade. Just in the realm of ongoing federal health reform, for instance, the implications of Iowa communities with 40 percent or more of their populations over the age of 65 — Littleport, Elk Horn, Berkley, Athelstan and Beaconsfield during the 2000 census — makes it clear that providing insurance alone won’t be nearly enough. As The Iowa Independent has documented throughout 2009 in a series of articles on rural health, those residing in rural areas are more likely to be living at or below poverty levels, with more chronic conditions, without sufficient nursing and physician access and lacking critical infrastructure needed for advances in tele- or distance-medicine that might alleviate existing inadequacies.

The 11 Iowa counties projected to maintain a percentage of older residents below 20 percent in 2030 also tell a story. The population centers in Polk, Linn, Johnson, Black Hawk, Pottawattamie, Story, Woodbury and Dallas counties are included among them. The other three — Marshall, Muscatine and Wapello — are all considered rural counties with one big difference from the rest of the state’s other rural areas. Each is home to significant immigrant populations.

At the time of the 2000 census, 12.5 percent of the populations in Marshall, Muscatine and Wapello self-identified as being either Hispanic or Latino. The latest estimates for each of the counties now lists that population demographic at above 15 percent. While this percentage compared to other states would not be considered significant, it stands out in Iowa, a state with an overall estimated percentage of persons of Hispanic and Latino origin at roughly 4 percent.

Iowans, who continue to express both outrage and compassion in the aftermath of a massive immigration raid at a Postville meatpacking plant, are only now starting to come to terms with their desire for maintaining the status quo in rural areas and the true need for a larger and younger workforce. Stephen Bloom, a journalism professor at the University of Iowa and author of a book on Postville, spoke candidly with The Iowa Independent seven months after the raid, noting that the move of slaughterhouses out of cities and into rural areas as well as mechanical advancements in the process has changed the face of rural America.

“The industry now requires a revolving door of employees because the wages are, if not minimum, then very low,” Bloom said. “The locals in these rural pockets don’t want to work for that kind of salary. The plants have this voracious appetite for hiring more and more people because a slaughterhouse worker who works for a year at the same plant is working for an extraordinary amount of time. The turnover in a year is nearly 100 percent.”

Workforce challenges in rural areas, however, are not only limited to meatpacking plants and other large factories. Iowa’s stalwart economic industry, the one most closely associated with rural life, is also beginning to feel the crunch.

At a congressional listening post in October, Clinton County dairy farmer Ben Blanchard discussed both his operation’s need for long-term younger workers and the nation’s need for comprehensive immigration reform.

“The way I feel, and I know that others may not feel the same way, but there needs to be legislation to allow [immigrants} to come over and not just on a work permit or whatever for six months,” Blanchard said, noting that short-term immigration solutions do not allow for farm knowledge and animal consistency.

Sister Mary McCauley

McCauley will receive the honor on Aug. 29 at a special ceremony in the State Historical Building in Des Moines.

In the immediate wake of a May 2008 massive immigration raid at the Agriprocessors meatpacking plant in Postville, many immigrant families took refuge in St. Bridget’s Church. McCauley was instrumental not only in providing for the immediate needs of those seeking sanctuary, but in developing a plan of action to care for the women and children left behind.

Sister McCauley, speaking to The Iowa Independent roughly one month after the raid, said she’s been asked many times how the raid and its aftermath have affected the community and the congregation.

“I’ve thought about it and there are two words that describe it. This has shattered us, and it has strengthened us,” she said. When she opened her mouth to continue, at first no words came. Her eyes filled with tears, and she apologized as she reached into her pocket for a well-worn tissue. Her voice was soft but also resolute when she continued.

“When I say ’shattered,’ I mean that it shattered the families. It shattered the children who were running around and asking, ‘Where is my mother?’ or ‘Where is my father?’ Then there are the poor mothers who are left to care for their children. What is she going to do? How is she going to get back to Mexico? She doesn’t have any money. Should she go back? Should she remain? She is wondering how long her husband is going to be in jail. So, they are shattered, they are afraid, and they are filled with anxiety.

“At the same time, they have found strength and love, and they are giving it to one another. Our St. Bridget’s community and the Postville community and, really, the entire United States community have given strength. When we receive a letter, for example, from Los Angeles, that says that the writer is praying for us, with us, supporting us and concerned about us, then we know that we can go on another day.”

McCauley, along with other staff members at St. Bridget’s, helped organize public vigils, meetings and demonstrations. Although she does not speak Spanish, she became a both a media contact for the women left behind in Postville and a pillar of strength those in need knew would remain sturdy. She helped organize church staff, volunteers and like-minded agencies to provide legal clinics, medical exams, bill payment and many other services that were never highlighted on newscasts or in print.

“We are aware of some of the pain, suffering and injustice that you experienced in your home country and also upon arriving in the United States,” McCauley said to immigrants who gathered at the church for a prayer vigil on the one-year anniversary of the raid. “For any pain, suffering or injustice that we as individuals, our Postville community, our government or any of our citizens may have caused, we ask your forgiveness.”

Due to McCauley’s unfailing belief that an injustice has been served on immigrant families in Postville and elsewhere she has become a positive role model for those who seek comprehensive immigration reform. The stance has also made her, as well as the Catholic Church as a whole, a lightning rod for those who believe otherwise.

The Christine Wilson Medal for Equality and Justice was established by the ICSW in 1982 in honor of the organization’s first chairwoman. During first four years under Wilson’s leadership Iowa passed legislation prohibiting sex discrimination in housing, credit and education as well as legislation that required recognition of the contribution of homemakers in inheritance tax determinations. The state also began funding and licensing child care center, created a process by which women could be considered for gubernatorial appointment, outlined the first progressive rape statute, and developed the Iowa Women’s Hall of Fame. As such, the medal holding her name is given to those individuals whose lives and work have illustrated outstanding dedication and service on behalf of the ideals of equality and justice.

At the same time as McCauley is honored the ICSW will also induct four new women into the Iowa Women’s Hall of Fame. They are Linda K. Kerber of Iowa City, Mary E. Kramer of Clive, Adeline Lavonne McCormick-Ohnemus of Milo and Lyn Stinson of Burlington.

“While I was in Postville, I saw the impact on the community of an irresponsible employer who apparently ignored worker safety and worker rights laws,” Braley wrote in a letter today to Matt Dummermuth, U.S. Attorney for the Northern District of Iowa, and John Torres, acting assistant secretary for Immigration and Customs Enforcement.

“The community of Postville is struggling to stay afloat. Church groups have provided food, shelter and clothing to hundreds of people since the May 12 raid. They have been caring for the families of detainees because they are in limbo, but they don’t have the resources to care for these people forever.”

Braley encouraged the officials to expedite the hearings of employees and employers who have been charged with crimes.

In another letter written today, Braley praised newly confirmed U.S. Secretary of Agriculture Tom Vilsack for providing over $2 million in outstanding payments to previously unpaid livestock auctions and sellers who sold to Agriprocessors in Postville. He also requested that the USDA reassess Postville’s loan payment schedule on a sewage treatment facility that primarily benefited the meatpacking plant. Although Agriprocessors signed a payment agreement with the city in July 2004, the company, languishing in Chapter 11 bankruptcy proceedings, has defaulted.

“I encourage the USDA to give fair and prompt consideration to the city’s request to reassess their loan payment schedule and coordinate with elected officials to find a solution that works for Postville and the USDA,” Braley wrote. “I hope that USDA can be a partner to the Postville community during these challenging times.”

Braley, a Democrat representing Iowa’s 1st District, visited the community on Jan. 29. While there he met with church leaders, school officials, business people and elected officials. The letters written today were in response to the information he gathered during his time in the community.

According to Rabbi Menachem Weissmandl, however, information surrounding the recent compensation spat between management and Jewish employees at the plant falls so squarely within the sacred that it cannot be discussed.

“As the supervising rabbi for all glatt kosher meat and strictly kosher poultry at the Agriprocessors plant in Postville, I am responsible for the well-being of the slaughterers (shochtim) and supervising (mashgichim) rabbis,” said Weissmandl in an e-mail to Iowa Independent on Thursday. “To protect the integrity of the kashruth, their relationship is strictly with us. Under no circumstances can we permit that this relationship be compromised and thus is off limits to outside scrutiny, as is prescribed by Jewish law.”

Delivered by Menachem Lubinsky, president of the marketing firm Lubicom and a spokesman for Agriprocessors, the statements from Weissmandl came in response to an inquiry submitted by Iowa Independent in relation to Jewish workers walking off the job Wednesday.

When the Agriprocessors plant was at full production, it was believed as many as 70 rabbis were needed to oversee and perform the sacramental slaughter of livestock according to halakha, or Jewish law. Plant officials freely admit that the plant has not been at such high production levels since a federal immigration raid in May resulted in the detention of nearly 400 of the company’s estimated 900 workers.

“It is no secret that Agriprocessors was forced to cut back production of meat and poultry after more than a third of its labor force was seized in a May 12th raid by [Immigration and Customs Enforcement],” Lubinsky said. “While the company has made big strides in hiring new workers and restoring production, it is still significantly behind May 12th levels.”

It has been this inability to secure a stable workforce that led to what Lubinsky described as a compensation “lag” and the ultimate protest by the Jewish workers this week.

“For the kosher slaughterers … and rabbis, this has meant not being able to work multiple shifts and a 6-day work week, cutting into their ability to make more money, while also making do with the company’s policy of a lag-time in their paychecks,” he explained.

The brief standoff between workers and management came to a close when a tentative compensation agreement was reached, according to sources at Agriprocessors. Those same sources have stated that the agreement was for the disgruntled workers to receive some compensation at the end of the work day. It was an agreement, Iowa Independent has been told, that was not kept. The vast majority of the employees, however, were at work on the production line today and are anticipated to return tomorrow. The plant will close on Saturday for observance of Shabbat and, according to three independent sources in Postville, Weissmandl be in eastern Iowa on Sunday to speak personally with the workers.

Iowa Independent requested more information from Lubinsky regarding the upcoming Postville visit and a clarification of the role played Weissmandl during the Wednesday negotiations. In addition, we asked for confirmation on information provided to us by residents of Postville and workers at Agriprocessors regarding the status of Rabbis that have taken employment at the plant in the wake of the raid as well as those who have left employment. The final two requests were for a clarification of the role Sholom Rubashkin, former president at the Postville operation and son of Agriprocessors founder Aaron Rubashkin, and a request for a face-to-face interview with various members of plant management. All were ignored.

“The rabbis and shochtim under our jurisdiction are hand-picked pious Orthodox Jews who are fully committed to the observance of the highest level of kashruth at the plant,” Weissmandl said in closing.

A former supervisor at the Postville meatpacking plant raided by federal agents last month has fled the country, Iowa Independent has learned.

The supervisor, Hasom Amara, sometimes required workers to buy illicitly registered cars as a condition of work, three former workers have told the Iowa Independent. Their stories corroborate allegations first made by a federal immigration agent in the search warrant obtained for the May 12 raid at the Agriprocessors Inc. facility in which 389 workers were detained.

Such activities may have broken the law, immigration agent David Hoagland stated in a sworn affidavit in support of the search warrant used in the raid.

“There is probable cause to believe an Agriprocessors supervisor has assisted, for a cut of the proceeds, illegal aliens in obtaining false documentation in relation to purchasing vehicle, and thereby has aided in the harboring of illegal aliens,” Hoagland said.

The supervisor was identified only as “C” in the search warrant affidavit. In separate interviews, the three workers identified Amara, a 44-year-old supervisor at Agriprocessors, as the chief car salesman.

Amara left the United States and is now in Israel, according to five people in Postville who know him or his wife. These sources also confirmed that Amara’s wife did not travel immediately to Israel with her husband, but remained in Iowa to pack the family’s belongings. The sources asked their names not be published, citing a fear of retaliation from Agriprocessors.

The Postville plant, owned and operated by the Rubashkin family, is one the leading manufacturers of kosher food in the country. Members of the Rubashkin family have donated more than $120,000 to the Iowa Republican Party and Republican office holders in recent years and a smaller amount to Democratic Gov. Chet Culver and Lt. Gov. Patty Judge.

U.S. Rep. Bruce Braley, a Democrat whose district includes part of Postville, has been the most vocal of Iowa’s federal delegation in calling for a full investigation of Agriprocessors. U.S. Sen. Tom Harkin has also called on federal officials to investigate the plant following the raid. U.S. Rep. Tom Latham, a Republican whose district includes the other portion of Postville, stopped short of calling for an investigation, but has proclaimed the immigration system “broken.” Several local residents have told news organizations that they have been called to testify before a grand jury, a sign that the company is under investigation.

Amara’s automobile business was common knowledge in Postville, according to former employees.

“Everyone knew that if you wanted better conditions — or even if you wanted a job at the plant — you bought a car from Hasom,”  a 26-year-old former worker from Mexico said in a taped interview. “Then you could get what you wanted.”

According to this man (who was not detained in the May 12 raid), a male relative, also from Mexico, came to Postville in search of work and was told no jobs were available.

“I spoke to him, and I said that I knew a way he could get a job,” the former worker recalled. “He told me that he knew what he had to do. He went to Hasom and, without asking for a job, said that he wanted to buy a car. Hasom asked him what car he wanted and, a day or two later, the car arrived.”

Only after the deal on the vehicle had taken place did the undocumented worker approach Amara about employment at the plant.

“When he went to pick up the car, he told Hasom that he’d really like a job at Agri, but that human resources had told him there were no jobs available,” the worker explained. “Hasom told him to come to Agri the next day and be ready to work. He did, and he started working that same day.”

Chaim Abrahams, a spokesman for Agriprocessors, declined to answer questions about Amara, stating in an e-mail that “the company is performing an independent investigation and will continue to cooperate with the government about this matter.”

The Iowa Department of Transportation began investigating possible document fraud involving vehicles owned by Agriprocessors employees in September 2005, according to Hoagland’s affidavit. One worker interviewed in the probe reported being told by other workers that “in order to get a favorable position in the plant” he or she “would have to purchase a car from the supervisor.”

In the interview with Iowa Independent, the former worker, who claimed to have begun his career at Agriprocessors as a teenager, said that he was approached “a couple of years ago” by the company’s human resources director, Elizabeth Billmeyer, and another member of plant management, who asked him explain “what was going on with the cars.”

“I told her and him exactly what I’m telling to you today,” the man said. “I told them that Hasom Amara was selling cars to workers in exchange for better treatment.”

He said he spoke out because of a belief that Amara would be punished for what he was doing.

“I was so stupid,” he added. “I thought he would get in trouble — maybe even get fired for what he was doing. That’s not what happened at all.”

A request for comment from Agriprocessors on Billmeyer’s involvement and knowledge of the car sales was acknowledged with the prepared statement of Abrahams that is quoted above.

In a separate interview, another former worker said he also spoke with Billmeyer and another company official about the car sales.

“I told them that the cars were junk and that the workers were paying too much,” said the man, a native of Guatemala who was not arrested in the May 12 raid. “I told them everything I knew about the cars because I wanted Hasom to be punished for what he was doing. I was angry. I’m still angry.”

A third former plant worker, a 20-year-old male, said he traveled with Amara to Cedar Rapids for the purpose of driving the vehicles into Postville for delivery to the workers.

“It wasn’t a dealership,” he said in a recorded interview through a translator. “We picked up the cars at a junk yard. The cars were not good — crap.”

The worker said he confronted Amara after driving the vehicle to Postville.

“I told him that I was going to turn him in because he was selling my people junk,” the man said. Amara’s response to this threat, if any, is unknown because Iowa Independent’s interview abruptly ended when the former worker’s attorney arrived.

DOT investigators audited a Cedar Rapids business, identified only as “dealership,” according to the search warrant affidavit, and determined that roughly 90 percent of the organization’s sales came from Postville residents. Investigators also determined that the Agriprocessors supervisor and “dealership” owner were friends.

In the affidavit, a confidential source described registering the cars in Burlington in southeastern Iowa using the addresses of friends. When the registration documents arrived, the source shipped them back to Postville. The source said he had done this more than 200 times.

Two of the former workers also corroborated a story reported by Postville radio station KPVL that employees of Agriprocessors were supplying undocumented workers with falsified documents. Both men said that they were paid in cash when they first started working for the company. After a few months, the workers were asked if they wanted a raise in pay. After the men agreed, they said they were given documents by Agriprocessors and then began to receive their pay by check.

“They knew from the beginning who and what we were,” one of the former workers said. “They didn’t care. They wanted us because we work hard and for not much money. They wanted us because we couldn’t complain.”

Spokesmen with the U.S. Attorney’s Office of Northern Iowa and the U.S. Department of Homeland Security said they could not comment on questions about an ongoing investigation.